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Thematic Article
Gendered effects of corruption: the South African state capture experience
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Abstract
Corruption, a profound ethical failure, disproportionately affects women and girls, exacerbating existing inequalities and leading to gender-specific repercussions, such as increased vulnerability to gender-based violence, disruptions in essential services, and deepened levels of poverty and unemployment. Recognising the moral imperative to address this injustice, this paper examines the case of state capture in South Africa to explore the gendered impact of corruption on women and girls. Drawing on evidence from the Zondo Commission Report, and other archival data, and employing Tamale’s Afro-feminism as a philosophical framework, alongside Ubuntu and the Ethics of Care as guiding ethical frameworks, this article provides critical insights and offers actionable recommendations for stakeholders dedicated to promoting the well-being and flourishing of women and girls. This article is published in the thematic collection ‘Decolonising Gender Knowledge in Sub-Saharan Africa: Empirical Insights and Theoretical Innovations from Early Career Researchers’, edited by Alicia Bowman, Evelyn Garwe and Juliet Thondhlana.
Keywords
corruptiongenderwomen and girlsstate captureethics of careUbuntuZondo CommissionethicsmoralityIntroduction
Corruption is a pervasive global phenomenon that undermines governance, economic development, and social equity (Fukuyama 2018). In Africa, corruption poses a significant obstacle to progress, hindering efforts to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (United Nations 2024), and improve the lives of its citizens (Hope 2022). Several studies have documented the widespread prevalence of corruption across the continent, highlighting its detrimental impact on socio-economic and political development (Gebrihet 2024). The African Union estimates that Africa loses $140 billion annually due to corruption (Adekoya 2020), funds that could be used to finance education, healthcare, and infrastructure development (Hope 2022).
As defined by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, corruption constitutes the abuse of public office for private gain (Johnson et al. 1999; Wei 1999). This pursuit of personal enrichment, achieved through the subversion of governance and disregard for established policies, ultimately undermines the public good. The effects of corruption are considered as one of the causes that undermine human development (Gathii 2010; Johnson et al. 1999), as acknowledged by President Ramaphosa in the wake of the state capture scandal in South Africa.
Corruption has far-reaching and complex effects on society. It drains resources from essential services, potentially leading to increased poverty and unemployment (Kisten & Maharaj 2023) and erodes public trust in institutions (Meyer & Luiz 2018). This can result in a breakdown of basic services (Chipkin et al. 2018), disproportionately affecting vulnerable populations, including the poor, women, and girls (OSCE 2021). Women, who often bear the primary responsibility for caregiving, may be particularly affected by under-resourced healthcare and welfare systems (EC 2018; Mussida & Patimo 2021). They can also experience increased domestic violence due to economic stress (Lamb & Warton 2025); worsened financial constraints stemming from wage gaps and limited access to credit; and vulnerability to sexual extortion (UNDP 2010). Furthermore, girls may face higher school dropout rates as families struggle to afford fees and resources.
Men and boys are also affected by corruption and may face rising unemployment in industries susceptible to corruption (Burger & Fourie 2019; Lamb & Warton 2025). The pressure to fulfil traditional breadwinner roles can also be aggravated, leading to feelings of inadequacy, aggression, depression, and substance abuse (Lamb & Warton 2025; Langa 2020). Additionally, they may be drawn into criminal activities to secure income (Meyer & Luiz 2018); experience higher school dropout rates to support their families (Burger & Fourie 2019), and face overall increased rates of violence (Lamb & Warton 2025).
Corruption affects all genders but its impact on women and girls is often amplified by traditional social structures and roles that increase their dependence and vulnerability to exploitation. A growing body of research suggests that these vulnerabilities are compounded by systemic barriers, created by corruption, that hinder women and girls’ access to vital resources and opportunities. This makes a specific focus on women and girls essential.
This paper examines the documented evidence of state capture in South Africa to analyse its specific negative effects on women and girls. State capture, defined as a pervasive form of corruption where individuals exploit state resources for private gain, disregarding the common good (Duri 2020), has profound moral and ethical implications. This study argues that understanding and combating state capture requires a focus on its gendered impacts. The paper will first present the methodology, before exploring different types of corruption and providing a detailed discussion of state capture within the South African context. It will then introduce the philosophical framework of Tamale’s Afro-feminism, combined with the Ethics of Care and Ubuntu as a theoretical framework, to guide the analysis. Finally, the paper will present the document analysis, findings, and recommendations for addressing the gendered consequences of state capture.
Methodology
This study employs qualitative content analysis (Mayring 2014) to explore the gendered consequences of state capture in South Africa, drawing upon both the Zondo Commission Reports (State Capture Commission 2022a,b) and archival data from The Civil Society Working Group on State Capture (CSWG 2020a,b, 2024). The Zondo Commission Report, formally titled the ‘Judicial Commission of Inquiry into Allegations of State Capture, Corruption, and Fraud in the Public Sector, including Organs of State’, offers a comprehensive and credible account of corruption, its mechanisms, and its impacts on South African society, stemming from a rigorous four-year judicial commission, with Kohn (2024) describing it as ‘globally unique … [with] no comparable attempt, anywhere in the world, to dig so deeply and so thoroughly into state capture over such a long period. The findings of the Zondo Commission, too, are profound.’ Complementing this, the Civil Society Working Group on State Capture, a coalition of over twenty organisations united against the looting of public funds, offers crucial perspectives on the widespread impact of state capture on ordinary South Africans. Their work, including the ‘Dear Judge Zondo’ video submissions and documentaries, highlights evidence presented to the Zondo Commission by civil society organisations, revealing the profound human cost of state capture in South Africa.
The data used in this study is publicly accessible, which promotes transparency. However, ethical considerations remain paramount. Given the sensitive nature of the data, particularly regarding testimonies of individuals affected by corruption, anonymity and confidentiality have been strictly maintained. Furthermore, the interpretation of data was conducted with reflexivity, acknowledging our own biases and assumptions. The potential for re-traumatisation of individuals whose stories are included in the data was carefully considered, and the qualitative content analysis was conducted in a way that prioritised their well-being and minimised harm. Finally, the findings are presented in a responsible manner, avoiding sensationalism and promoting a nuanced understanding of the gendered consequences of state capture in South Africa.
State capture
Societies entrust governments with the crucial role of determining ‘who gets what, when, and how’ (Lasswell 2018). Corruption, however, pervades various institutional spaces, including politics, business, education, and religion and interferes with the effectiveness of implementing this role, at times with disastrous consequences.
Corruption can be classified into four distinct types, namely grand, petty, political, and household corruption, all of which can disproportionately affect women and girls (OSCE 2021). Grand corruption is characterised by high-level government officials exploiting their positions for personal gain (Mlambo et al. 2019). This can involve the diversion of public resources, the preferential allocation of lucrative contracts, or the misappropriation of public funds. Petty corruption, on the other hand, refers to the small-scale corruption that typically involves everyday interactions between officials and citizens. This may include demanding bribery to receive services or favouritism in bureaucratic processes (Mlambo et al. 2023). Political corruption involves the abuse of power by politicians to maintain or increase their political influence: for example, by buying votes (Mlambo et al. 2019). Finally, household corruption, while less documented than other forms of corruption, manifests within the domestic sphere and may include, for example, falsely claiming benefits (Duri 2020).
State capture, as defined by Duri (2020), is a form of grand corruption where powerful entities, whether individuals, institutions, companies, or groups, both within and outside a country, exploit corruption to manipulate a nation’s policies, legal environment, and economy for their own benefit. This manipulation can manifest through influencing legislation, appointments, and the awarding of government contracts (Duri 2020). The case of the Gupta family in South Africa, which will be discussed in the next section, exemplifies this. A less direct alignment of interests between state, business, and political elites can also facilitate state capture. For instance, Isabel dos Santos, the daughter of Angola’s former president, reportedly exploited her father’s position to secure lucrative government contracts and permits (Duri 2020), demonstrating how familial ties can also enable this form of corruption. It is important to note that the viability of state capture hinges on control and manipulation and that other stakeholders, including financial institutions and law firms, may also play a role in enabling this type of political corruption.
Pillay et al. (2023) define state capture across several dimensions, including: the specific institutions targeted (executive, legislative, regulatory bodies, public organisations); the nature of the individuals and institutions involved; the extent and impact of the capture (systematic or predatory); whether it manifests as party/state capture (political parties gaining control of the state) or corporate capture (individuals influencing government for private benefit); and the frequency of the capture (occasional, partial, or full). Edwards (2017: 10), on the other hand, defines state capture as the possession of disproportionate power over government by private corporations, political parties, or other interest groups, and highlights that, in state capture, ‘the government cedes its autonomy to enact regulations and legislation to limited individuals [thus failing] to fulfil its social responsibility’.
South Africa experienced widespread state capture during Jacob Zuma’s presidency, primarily orchestrated by the Gupta family (Duri 2020). Their influence, beginning in 2005, intensified after Zuma’s 2009 election, granting them significant control over state resources and decisions. The Zondo Commission Reports (State Capture Commission 2022a) revealed the manipulation of public procurement and financial processes in state-owned enterprises through the placement of politically connected individuals. This control manifested in various ways, including offering a parliamentarian a ministerial position in exchange for compliance, manipulating the boards of state-owned enterprises by appointing Gupta associates, and awarding inflated contracts, such as the Transnet locomotive deal awarded to Chinese companies, to benefit Gupta interests (CSWG 2020a). The revelation by the former Deputy Minister of Finance of a R600 million bribe offer further exposed the extent of their influence (CSWG 2020a). State capture also compromised institutions like the South African Revenue Service, facilitating fraudulent activities, and extended to law enforcement agencies through strategically aligned appointments (CSWG 2020a). An attempted nuclear deal was another significant example of state capture, where private financial gain was prioritised over national interests. These instances collectively demonstrate the systematic manipulation of state institutions for private gain under Zuma’s administration.
State capture in South Africa is a notable case study, given its occurrence during the country’s transition from apartheid to a constitutional democracy and the wealth of data available from corruption investigations. It also serves as a clear example of a government’s failure to uphold its social responsibility, as politicians were able to sell influence, thereby compromising governmental autonomy (Mamokhere 2018). This failure was further exemplified by the compromising of security agencies, requiring them to pledge allegiance to individuals rather than the constitution. The strategy was reinforced by appointing individuals to key positions in law enforcement and tax administration to shield perpetrators (Duri 2020). Such deviations from constitutional duties heightened their involvement in corrupt dealings, hindering their ability to hold the State accountable. The situation departs from the norm, as governments typically have service and protection duties to their citizens, including mitigating the negative effects of corruption, especially on vulnerable populations (Gebrihet 2024). Consequently, there was a systemic weakness in the state’s ability to prevent and address corruption, potentially eroding its legitimacy.
The implications of state capture are far-reaching. By compromising the independence and effectiveness of key institutions, corruption severely undermines democratic governance and accountability (Duri 2020). This, in turn, erodes public trust by undermining citizens’ faith in the government’s ability to act in their best interests (Gebrihet 2024). Furthermore, state capture hinders investment and economic growth, exacerbating inequality (Alence & Pitcher 2019).
Philosophical and theoretical framework
Corruption poses a significant impediment to economic development in Sub-Saharan Africa. Whilst acknowledging the diversity of experiences across genders is crucial, research suggests that corruption has a disproportionate impact on women and girls. Whilst some scholars challenge the categorisation of women and girls as a distinct category in corruption studies—arguing that research on the gender–corruption nexus lacks a precise theoretical explanation (Breen et al. 2017)—a growing body of research recognises gender as a crucial lens in understanding the impact of corruption in society. A focus on women and girls is, therefore, both ethically necessary and theoretically significant. This perspective aligns with the Afro-feminist philosophies of scholars like Sylvia Tamale, who advocate for understanding and addressing the specific lived realities of African women (Tamale 2020). We adopt this Afro-feminist standpoint as our philosophical framing. Drawing on Tamale’s decolonial work allows for a nuanced understanding of corruption’s impact by prioritising the experiences and knowledge of African women, challenging conventional, often Western-centric, approaches (Tamale 2006). We concur with Tamale (2006), who asserts that ‘Africa sits at the tip of the geopolitical margins, which means that its worldview is like no other; marginalised groups within Africa such as women have an even more unique worldview.’ Recognising the distinct realities faced by women and girls in corrupt environments is therefore crucial for developing actionable recommendations that are context specific and relevant to their lived experiences.
This perspective emphasises how corruption exacerbates gender inequalities by hindering a government’s ability to effectively implement policies designed to address such inequities. Theoretically, we adopt a combination of two theoretical frameworks: Ubuntu and Ethics of Care. Whilst seemingly distinct in origin and scope, both Ubuntu and Ethics of Care converge on the critical importance of relationships, care, and interconnectedness, offering a powerful lens through which to analyse the gendered effects of corruption. This theoretical fusion also aligns with Tamale’s (2020) views, emphasising the importance of drawing upon indigenous knowledge, histories, and practices at all levels of society to inform new epistemologies and strategies for achieving social justice on the African continent.
Ubuntu is an African philosophy that emphasises humanity, interconnectedness, and communal well-being (Ramose 2005). The Zulu proverb ‘umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu’ (‘I am because you are’ or ‘I am because we are’) encapsulates Ubuntu’s core tenet: that individual well-being is inextricably linked to the well-being of others. This philosophy also fosters values like compassion, respect, and collective responsibility. Ethics of Care, on the other hand, prioritises care, interpersonal relationships, and empathy, highlighting the moral significance of attending to the needs of individuals, especially those considered to be more vulnerable members of society (Collins 2017).
In this paper, we propose combining the core tenets of Ubuntu and Ethics of Care (see Figure 1). Specifically, we suggest integrating Ubuntu’s emphasis on interconnectedness, communal responsibility, respect for human dignity, and the pursuit of social harmony with Ethics of Care’s focus on cultivating relationships, practising empathy, understanding context, and recognising vulnerability.
Figure 1.
A theoretical fusion of Ubuntu and Ethics of Care to examine and challenge state capture and address its impact on women and girls. Source: Authors. © Authors.
A Venn diagram with two overlapping circles. The left circle is labelled ‘Ubuntu’ and includes: Interconnectedness, Communalism, Respect, Human Dignity, and Social Harmony. The right circle is labelled ‘Ethics of Care’ and includes: Relationships, Responsibility, Empathy, Contextual Understanding, and Vulnerability. The overlapping section is labelled ‘Theoretical Fusion’ and includes: Ethical Governance, Social Justice, Gender Equality, Accountability, Compassionate Leadership, and Community Well-being.
The fusion of Ubuntu and Ethics of Care provides a powerful framework to examine and challenge state capture. Ubuntu’s emphasis on shared humanity and collective action creates a moral imperative to care for one another (Metz 2011), which is in stark contrast to the self-serving behaviours often associated with state capture. Ubuntu principles translate into ethical governance, social justice, accountability, and community well-being. These ethical imperatives can serve as a compass for accountability in South African governance and can inform collective efforts towards justice and gender equality. Ethics of Care, which emphasises the well-being of marginalised individuals, creates a moral imperative to identify the failures of systems that neglect the care and protection of women and girls (Robinson 2018). The principles of Ethics of Care translate into compassionate leadership, gender equality, and accountability. Applying Ethics of Care to the challenge of corruption and its effects on women and girls can illuminate the deep moral failings of systems that perpetuate such harm. Moreover, engaging with the lived experiences of women and girls is not merely important—it is a moral imperative. Recognising the interconnectedness of their vulnerabilities and striving for truly equitable and caring systems is essential to rectifying the injustices perpetuated by state capture and corruption.
Findings
State capture in South Africa profoundly exacerbated existing inequalities. The Civil Society Response to the Zondo Commission (CSWG 2024) highlights how ‘the fallout from load-shedding, the increase in government debt, and the proliferation of austerity measures had a particularly damaging impact on the poor’ (11), including women and girls. This included ‘rolling blackouts, rising costs of living, high unemployment and [other] challenges presented by austerity’ (3). State capture in South Africa inflicted significant damage across various sectors, with particularly devastating consequences for women and girls. In the following subsections, the effects of state capture on seven key sectors—electricity, transportation, mining, criminal justice, policing, education, and healthcare—are discussed.
Electricity corruption, the capture of PRASA, and the closure of the coal mine
Corruption within Eskom, South Africa’s electricity public utility (State Capture Commission 2022a), is a prime example of the devastating impact of state capture on women and girls (Bowman 2020). This impact is illustrated by Speaker 1 in the ‘Dear Judge Zondo’ videos (CSWG 2020b), who detailed the devastating effects of electricity corruption on daily life, particularly for mothers with infants who rely on electricity for basic care. While frequent power cuts created intolerable conditions for everyone, the gendered division of labour often placed women as the primary caregivers, disproportionally affecting their lives (Lekwadu & Lekganyane 2022).
The capture of the Passenger Rail Agency of South Africa [PRASA (State Capture Commission 2022a)] also had profound gendered consequences, negatively impacting women’s lives in numerous ways. For example, Speaker 2 in the ‘Dear Judge Zondo’ videos (CSWG 2020b) described waking up at 3:00 AM to navigate a failing train system plagued by delays, overcrowding, and safety concerns. These issues extended beyond mere inconvenience: train delays and cancellations caused women and girls to miss work and school, resulting in lost wages, leave days, and missed tests and exams (Mogotsi 2018). Most critically, the dangerous overcrowding and harassment experienced by women and girls on trains, as highlighted by Speaker 2, underscore the hazardous nature of their daily commutes. These unsafe conditions created an environment of fear and anxiety, limiting their mobility and access to essential services and opportunities. The constant threat of violence and harassment added another layer of difficulty to women’s and girls’ lives, making simple journeys a source of stress and vulnerability (Vanderschuren et al. 2019).
Another significant consequence of state capture was highlighted in the documentary ‘The People’s Hearing on State Capture: Tegeta Optimum Coal Mine’ (CSWG 2020b). This documentary illustrates a specific instance of the economic and social disruption caused by state capture due to the Gupta family’s involvement in the mining sector. The testimonies in the documentary reveal job insecurity and delayed salary payments, which led to precarious living situations and exacerbated poverty and inequality. From a gender perspective, the implications of this situation for women and girls are far-reaching. In many mining communities, women occupy vulnerable positions, both economically and socially (Sesele et al. 2021). The loss of income and job security due to state capture may have disproportionately affected women, increasing their financial strain and limiting their access to essential resources such as food, healthcare, and education (Sesele et al. 2021). Women may have faced increased pressure to provide for their families, and in some instances, girls’ education might have been deprioritised, potentially limiting their future opportunities and perpetuating gender disparities (Lekwadu & Lekganyane 2022).
Manipulation of the criminal justice agencies and police corruption
The manipulation of criminal justice agencies during this period further eroded citizens’ confidence in governance and the rule of law (Duri 2020). This manipulation fostered a culture of impunity, especially for high-ranking officials, as ‘law enforcement agencies were highly politicised and compromised at the highest levels’ (CSWG 2024: 21). According to a report from Corruption Watch and the Institute for Security Studies (2019), the period of Jacob Zuma’s presidency was ‘a deeply debilitating one for South Africa’s criminal justice agencies’ (4). They noted a clear link between the manipulation of these agencies and a decline in their performance as well as creating ‘a hostile environment for those who are committed to, and invested in, the principles of the rule of law and equality before the law’ (4), including female officials and officers.
This environment exacerbated existing crime issues, including aggravated robberies (Corruption Watch and the Institute for Security Studies 2019). Speakers 4 and 5 from the ‘Dear Judge Zondo’ videos (CSWG 2020b), shared concerns regarding the safety of women and children in South Africa, expressing feelings of fear and anxiety stemming from prevalent crime rates. Speaker 4 also emphasised the inadequacies of the police response, noting that their intervention often came too late or not at all, suggesting a lack of trust in the police and the justice system. This distrust was particularly significant for women, as cultures of impunity fostered by state capture potentially meant that they were less likely to report abuse, including gender-based violence, for fear that their claims would not be taken seriously or that they would be further victimised (Gillanders & Werff 2021).
Furthermore, as the report from Corruption Watch and the Institute for Security Studies (2019) highlights, the ‘liberal use of taxpayer money for frivolous litigation’ (48) and the prolonged suspension of unfit officials at public expense further ‘diverted resources away from essential services’ (48). This not only undermines law enforcement institutions, as Justice Zondo noted (State Capture Commission 2022a), but also exacerbates gender-based violence by weakening these institutions and judicial processes. Consequently, as Dean (2021) argues, women and girls were left with limited or no recourse or protection, compounding existing vulnerabilities and reducing access to justice for victims of abuse. This is especially critical considering that domestic and street violence against women and girls remains a persistent issue in some areas of South Africa (Evans et al. 2023). While it is difficult to establish a direct causal link to an increase in such violence during the state capture period, the undermining of law enforcement institutions likely played a role. When resources meant for security and protection are misappropriated, incidences of gender-based violence may rise due to inadequate law enforcement and protective measures for women and girls (Gillanders & Werff 2021). The combination of political ineffectiveness and a corrupt legal framework could have resulted in environments where women had little recourse against violence, leaving them vulnerable to further abuse, including sextortion (Hagglund & Khan 2023).
Corruption can also undermine civil freedoms by silencing women’s voices, restricting their political participation, and creating a climate of impunity that perpetuates discrimination and injustice. The manipulation of criminal justice agencies to protect those involved in state capture (Corruption Watch and the Institute for Security Studies 2019) enabled this impunity, making it difficult for women to seek hold perpetrators accountable.
Corruption in the education and healthcare sectors
Corruption can limit girls’ access to schooling, perpetuating cycles of poverty and hindering their empowerment (Dutta 2018). These issues were further compounded by state capture, with several significant impacts on women and girls. According to the Joint Submission by Equal Education, Equal Education Law Centre and Section 27 (2018) ‘[a]mongst departments affected by austerity measures, the Department of Basic Education (DBE) and the basic education sector as a whole, [saw] lower budgetary allocations’ (4). According to Duri (2020), corruption can also lead to inadequate facilities and insufficient teaching staff, ultimately increasing dropout rates amongst girls. This is in line with findings in The Civil Society Response to the Zondo Commission (CSWG 2024) which highlights that ‘children [were] dropping out of school because of unsafe learning environments and hopelessly inadequate and crowded classrooms’ (12).
The ‘compromised provision of essential resources like textbooks, meals, infrastructure, and sanitation’ due to state capture severely harmed millions of learners, including girls (Equal Education, Equal Education Law Centre and Section 27 2018: 5). The ‘Limpopo Principals on Textbooks Crisis’ documentary (CSWG 2020b) poignantly illustrates how delayed delivery of textbooks disrupted learning environments in South Africa. State capture also affected educational access, with instances of ‘bribery demands for admissions, uniforms, and learning materials’, which further entrenched educational inequalities. This financial burden disproportionately impacted families, potentially discouraging investment in their daughters’ education and exacerbating already high dropout rates (Mardon & Shah 2024).
A ‘culture of fear’ fuelled by state capture also existed, silencing those who might have exposed corruption, hindering accountability and transparency. As highlighted by the Joint Submission by Equal Education, Equal Education Law Centre and Section 27 (2018), state employees, such as teachers and principals, were often afraid to disclose accurate information about service provision due to potential repercussions. This climate of fear further undermined the educational rights of girls.
Corruption, as Dean (2021) notes, can also lead to misappropriation of funds and diminished investments in healthcare, disproportionately affecting women and girls, who are also more vulnerable to bribery and sextortion in exchange for health services. State capture enabled these to occur, with devastating consequences (State Capture Commission 2022a). As the Civil Society Response to the Zondo Commission (CSWG 2024) highlighted, ‘funds meant to provide access to health care and emergency services were diverted via criminal means while people were dying in understaffed clinics that had run out of medicine’ (6). This diversion of resources severely impacted the availability and quality of health services. Corruption disproportionately hindered women and girls’ access to critical services, including maternal and reproductive care (Goga et al. 2019). The resulting inadequate funding and resources in healthcare facilities contributed to alarmingly high maternal mortality rates (Heywood 2017). Furthermore, demands for bribes from patients, further excluded impoverished women from accessing basic healthcare services, including reproductive health services (Heywood 2017). Bribes created substantial barriers, dissuading women from seeking necessary care, perpetuating a culture where women had to navigate corrupt systems to secure their fundamental right to healthcare (Heywood 2017). As Heywood (2017) noted:
Corruption is a serious threat to the majority of the population who rely on public hospitals and clinics. Not only does it make it difficult for them to receive proper treatment when they are vulnerable and cannot pay a bribe, but when funds, medicines and equipment are stolen or misused by officials, it can have devastating effects on communities at large.
Other impacts
The diversion of public funds through corrupt practices can also have a profound impact on women’s financial empowerment, limiting their access to credit, resources, and economic opportunities. Whilst not all women are equally affected, those in marginalised communities and those reliant on state-funded programmes are often the most affected. For instance, the Estina Dairy Project, intended to empower emerging black farmers, many of whom were women, saw funds diverted to Gupta-linked entities, effectively derailing their economic prospects (State Capture Commission 2022a). Furthermore, it is important to note that reduced access to essential resources such as food, water, and sanitation disproportionately impacts women and girls (Fuentes Téllez 2018), especially those in low-income households, as they are often responsible for household management. The looting of funds from municipalities, as revealed in various reports (State Capture Commission 2022a), directly affected women’s access to basic services like water and sanitation in both urban and rural areas, hindering their ability to maintain household hygiene and well-being.
Discussion and recommendations
The findings reveal that state capture inflicted significant damage on South African society, with notable gender-specific implications. It is, however, important to acknowledge that these experiences were not uniform for everyone, and women’s resilience and agency may have helped mitigate the impact of these challenges.
Beyond the immediate financial costs to the country, corruption exacerbated poverty and unemployment and resulted in the erosion of access to public services, disproportionately affecting women, particularly those in vulnerable socio-economic positions. For instance, power cuts, exacerbated by corruption and mismanagement, disrupted transportation, education and employment, creating unique hardships for both women and girls. In turn, these disruptions exacerbated systemic gender inequalities and socio-economic issues, creating ripple effects for their families. Moreover, women and girls encountered gender-specific challenges in sectors like healthcare, education, and law enforcement, where denial of essential services and fears for their safety were commonplace. Compounding these issues, a notable lack of trust persists in various institutions in South Africa, including law enforcement and government bodies. A substantial 50% of respondents feel that these institutions primarily serve the interests of the affluent, neglecting ordinary citizens. These high levels of perceived corruption, coupled with the specific challenges posed by state capture, make corruption a major obstacle to development and progress in South Africa and to the achievement of Agenda 2063, which envisions a future for Africa as a continent free from corruption and impunity (Gebrihet 2024).
A ‘whole-of-society’ approach is needed to combat corruption, one which prioritises the lived experiences of women and girls affected by state capture. A strong impetus is needed in the fight against it, heightened by the consciousness of what is at stake. Drawing on the theoretical fusion of Ethics of Care and Ubuntu proposed previously, which emphasises several key values—namely ethical governance, social justice, gender equality, accountability, compassionate leadership, and community well-being—we propose the following multifaceted approach to combat corruption in South Africa and address the gender-based consequences of state capture.
Firstly, accountability and transparency are paramount in rebuilding trust in government and public institutions in South Africa. The Zondo Commission’s findings revealed a failure of leadership within the ruling party, including senior members and the president, to decisively act against individuals implicated in state capture, with many retaining prominent positions. While abuse of power may not constitute a criminal offence in South Africa, the lack of prosecution or removal of these actors undermines faith in democracy and the state. To address this, accountability must be enforced at all levels through stricter laws and regulations against corruption and enhanced transparency in public finances. Furthermore, ethical leadership and responsible governance, rooted in Ubuntu’s emphasis on communal well-being, are essential as a lack of morals, ethics, and compassion could be partially the reason behind these corrupt actions. These can be achieved by promoting integrity, ethics, and accountability amongst public officials and empowering civil society organisations to not only participate in decision-making processes, but also monitor government activities, and advocate for the rights of marginalised communities. These organisations can play a crucial role in providing support and advocacy for those affected by corruption, in line with Ethics of Care, including women and girls. It is essential that South African leadership prioritises ethical decision-making, transparency, and accountability and recognises the importance of serving the common good and upholding the dignity of all individuals.
Secondly, challenging corruption requires a fundamental shift in ethics, prioritising the needs and safety of both women and girls. Specifically, this involves moving beyond abstract principles and engaging with women’s lived experiences. By recognising their interconnected vulnerabilities, South Africa can foster truly equitable and caring systems. Furthermore, amplifying women’s voices is crucial for ensuring that their experiences are central to policy and decision-making. For instance, gendered impact assessments of corruption, particularly during state capture, can reveal the specific challenges women faced due to reduced access to services. Such assessments can then inform policy development and implementation. Promoting gender-responsive policies is essential to address the unique needs and vulnerabilities of women and girls too, thus contributing to both individual and community well-being in line with Ubuntu and Ethics of Care. Increasing women’s representation in decision-making roles, from local governance to national parliaments, is also needed to drive meaningful change and promoting accountability within institutions weakened by state capture. Indeed, women’s leadership offers a powerful force for ethical governance, disrupting the cycle of under-representation, where limited female political participation hinders gender-responsive policies and further disempowers women. A greater presence of women parliamentarians can potentially reduce corruption, marking a crucial step towards social justice and realising the transformative potential of compassionate, ethical leadership.
Finally, the disproportionate impact of corruption on women and girls necessitates investment in social protection programmes and essential services. Guided by Ubuntu and Ethics of Care, these initiatives should prioritise interconnectedness, community well-being, and compassionate support. Generic programmes are insufficient, though; interventions must address the specific challenges women faced during state capture. For instance, strengthening domestic violence reporting and resolution systems is paramount, alongside increasing access to shelters and responsive support services. Moreover, access to vital healthcare services, including sexual and reproductive health and mental health support, is crucial to address the gendered health consequences of corruption. Similarly, education and empowerment programmes are critical for young women, who are particularly vulnerable to exploitation and educational disruption during periods of corruption. These programmes should focus on rights, future opportunities, and healthy relationships. Economic empowerment initiatives like microfinance programmes and support for women-owned businesses, are also recommended as these can mitigate economic disparities and foster independence.
Failing to address the lived realities of women and girls in South Africa, particularly in the context of state capture, not only perpetuates the cycle of their marginalisation, but also constitutes a profound ethical failure. By implementing these interconnected recommendations—centred on Ubuntu and Ethics of Care—South Africa can continue to build a more just and equitable society. Future research could include exploring the impact of corruption on the well-being of women and girls in a larger community, its mitigation strategies, and the role of women leaders in reducing corruption.
Acknowledgements
Professor Ogunyemi would like to express her gratitude to GIBS Business School, South Africa, for their support with funding a two-week fellowship in Johannesburg to understand the context in which state capture happened and the work of the Zondo Commission.
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DOI: 10.5871/jba/013.a34
Published on: 19 September 2025
Volume: 13
Issue: Issue 3
Article view count: 139
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© The author(s) 2025. This is an open access article licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 4.0 International LicenseCite this article
Ogunyemi, K., Bowman, A. & Iipumbu, N. (2025), ‘Gendered effects of corruption: the South African state capture experience’, Journal of the British Academy, 13(3): a34 https://doi.org/10.5871/jba/013.a34Crossref
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