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Thematic Article
‘Kukurúùkúù’: ecospiritual implications of the sounds of the cockcrow in Yoruba rural dwellings
Ibukunolu Isaac Olodude*†
ibkolodude@oauife.edu.ng
Abstract
This article examines the sound of the cockcrow in Yoruba rural spaces, phonically represented as ‘kukurúùkúù’, with a particular focus on the ecological and spiritual implications. The study highlights the timing functions of the cockcrow which have endured over the years in Yoruba rural societies, thereby foregrounding the interlinking between human and nonhuman forms of life among the Yoruba in Nigeria. Utilising an ethnographic approach through participant observation and key informant interviews conducted with selected Ifá priests, this study engages in a hermeneutic exploration of the Yoruba indigenous religion and literary genres to demonstrate the importance of the cockcrow, time, and nature in traditional Yoruba life and the implications for healthy cohabiting of human and nonhuman forms under conditions of environmental degradation. (This article is published in the thematic collection ‘African ecologies: literary, cultural and religious perspectives’, edited by Adriaan van Klinken, Simon Manda, Damaris Parsitau and Abel Ugba.)
Keywords
cockcrowtiming functionsYoruba rural societiesenvironmental degradationYoruba indigenous religionIntroduction
Confronted with present-day changes in climates and natural environments across the world, and the need for humankind to make sense of, respond to and adapt to such changes, there has been a renewed interest in indigenous knowledges and their ecological resonance and significance (Gordon & Krech 2012). This article draws attention to a perhaps surprising source of indigenous knowledge—the cockcrow—and explores the ecospiritual implications of the sounds of the cockcrow in Yoruba rural dwellings.
Yoruba traditional society had a unique socio-cultural identity before the advent of ‘modernisation’. The Yoruba people, mostly found in Nigeria and neighbouring Benin, are known to possess a very rich cultural heritage that continues to be passed on from generation to generation. Before coming into contact with the West, the pre-colonial Yoruba society had its own intellectual space, which should not be obliterated due to advancement in science and technology brought about by Western civilisation (Falola & Olubomehin 2020). For instance, traditional birth control methods such as the celebrated idea of abstinence, the use of traditional rings and waistbands, prolonged lactation, and traditional barrier methods, were developed to curb excessive childbirth (Adisa 2020).
The Yoruba society had well-planned systems and employed natural concepts, both human and non-human, for the good of the society. The natural concepts and ecospiritual practices employed contributed to preserving the ecosystems, the natural environments, and the lives of living species. The timing functions of the cockcrow before the advent of modern clock time, which this study intends to highlight, show that Yoruba civilisation has its concept of time as manifested in the significance and timing functions of the cockcrow. This article will examine the economic and social functions of the cockcrow and its eco-spiritual implications to demonstrate that Yoruba rural societies enjoyed the naturalness of nature. Although the Yoruba people now mostly live in cities that have a high degree of urbanisation, many still live in what can be described as rural areas (Osunade 1981).
Issues about environmental degradation and pollution, especially in modern urban cities, continue to gain momentum in academic and public discourse, partly because science and technology, which seek to create a better world, continue to leave behind a trail of catastrophic effects on nature and the environment. Most of the studies on the need for advancement in science and technology fail to bring to the fore the negative impacts of technology, especially to interrogate Yoruba lived experiences before the advent of modern science and technology. This is the gap that this study seeks to fill. The study argues that one major area in which Yoruba ancient practices utilise nature to negotiate their challenges is through the engagement of the timing functions of the cockcrow.
The spiritual beliefs and sacredness attached to certain non-human forms of life, such as the cock and its crowing, which this study seeks to highlight, play pivotal roles in environmental care, and will contribute to indigenous knowledge about African ecologies. The African indigenous way of life and eco-spiritualities which are aimed at conserving the non-human forms of life, inherently debar members of the community from degrading the environment and depleting the natural resources—plants and animals especially.
Methodological framework
Data for this study were obtained from both primary and secondary sources. The primary sources of data were participant observation and key informant interviews. I engaged in participant observation in three communities: Kòòlà, a rural community in Osun State; Ile-Ife, a semi-urban city in Osun State; and Ibadan, an urban city in Oyo State, all in Southwest Nigeria, over a six-month period between November 2022 and April 2023. I particularly observed the timing of the crowing and people’s actions and reactions to the cockcrows in the neighbourhood. I also conducted interviews with some Ifá priests, also called Babaláwo, to obtain vital data concerning the perspectives of the Yoruba indigenous religion on the cock, its crowing, and the implications for their lived experiences. Prominent among those interviewed is Professor Wande Abimbola, who is also the Àwíṣẹ Àgbáyé—the Voice of the Oracles (Ibidapo-Obe & Okoro 2017). Two other Ifá priests were interviewed to shed more light on the portrayal of the cockcrow, time, and nature in the Ifá literary corpus. Secondary sources of data include proverbs, musical lyrics, and Ifá exposition on the concept of time and the cockcrow.
Analysing these data, I adopted a hermeneutic approach to understanding Yoruba sacred and literary texts. Hermeneutics originally was a practice of biblical interpretation, but in recent decades it has been extended to study the interpretation of the sacred texts of other religions, wisdom literature, and philosophical texts (Grondin 1994). The hermeneutic analysis revolves around a cyclical knowledge termed the hermeneutic circle which is critical to sacred text analysis (Figure 1).
The hermeneutic circle asserts that text analysis involves a combination of the initial understanding derived from the literal meaning of a text, which then meets with a new understanding that comes from a contextual analysis of the text. The concept is hinged on the fact that the meaning of part of a text is contextualised in the whole and vice versa. In this study, I undertake a contextual analysis of literary genres such as Yoruba proverbs and musical narratives, as well as the Ifá literary corpus, focusing on narratives about time, the cock, and the cockcrow. The proverbs and other literary genres highlighted in this study are better understood based on a pragmatic analysis which takes into consideration the contextual meaning based on the socio-cultural background of the primary users—the Yoruba community of speakers.
Yoruba philosophy of time
The Yoruba people are largely domiciled in the Southwest zone of Nigeria. Six states make up this zone: Oyo, Osun, Ogun, Ondo, Lagos, and Ekiti. The dominant language spoken in these six states is the Yoruba language, which is classified under West Benue-Congo languages. However, apart from these six states in the Southwest, other states in Nigeria where the Yoruba language is spoken are Edo, Kogi, and Kwara states. The Yoruba nation also exists outside the shores of Nigeria. In Benin Republic, formerly called Dahọmi, the Yoruba race there is referred to as Àṇagó. Also, the Yoruba language is spoken in countries like Togo, Cuba, and Brazil (Fabunmi 2004). Ile-Ife, in Osun State, is known to be the cradle of the Yoruba race in Yoruba mythology and is home to 201 deities (Olupona 2011). The traditional ruler of Ile-Ife is referred to as Ọọ̀nirìṣà, Àrólé Oòduà meaning ‘Ọọ̀ni—a deity and successor to Odùduwà’ and he is seen as the spiritual head of the Yoruba race.
One major function of the cockcrow in traditional Yoruba life is the timing function. This is because time is important to humans, including the Yoruba people. Yoruba philosophy of time, known as ìgbà, àkókò, or àsìkò, is made manifest in various Yoruba literary genres. The following proverbs give an insight into the phenomenon of time:
Ìgbà ò lọ bí òréré, ayé ò lọ bí ọ̀pá ìbọn
(Time does not go on ad infinitum, life is not as straight as the barrel of a gun)
Àkókò kò dúró de ẹnìkan, múra sísẹ́, ọjọ́ ń lọ
(Time waits for no man, hasten up to work, time flies)
The first proverb expresses the fact that no one has the luxury of time and, as a result, time must be properly accounted for. The implications extend beyond the literal meaning of the text. The second proverb indicates the importance of hard work and hastening up to duty since time cannot be held down for anyone. This explains the economic importance of time. Yoruba people believe that what needs to be done should be done when due. This perception projects the value of time and the drawbacks of procrastination. A popular Yoruba highlife musician, Dipo Sodipo, succinctly captures the need to be time-conscious in the lyrics of the song below:
Ṣèyí to ó ṣe o, ọ̀rẹ́ mi, ọjọ́ ń lọ
Ayée lé-é-é
Ṣèyí tó ó ṣe o, ọ̀rẹ́ mi, ọjọ́ ń lọ
Èyí tó-o bá ṣe, làwa ó ròyìn
Ṣèyí tó ó ṣe o, ọ̀rẹ́ mi, ọjọ́ ń lọ
translated as:
Do what you need to do on time, my friend, time is going
Such is life!
Do what you need to do on time, my friend, time is going
Whatever you do, we shall proclaim and testify,
Do what you need to do on time, my friend, time is going.
The Yoruba believe that time is so important that it must not be wasted. Given the fluidity of time, the song emphasises the need to utilise time maximally, although the exactness of time remains a challenge in Yoruba mythology, as cyclical events are used in temporal symbolism and timing (Orimoogunje 2014).
Fayemi (2016) rightly notes that time in Yoruba rural societies was not mathematical or numerical and that time was simply experienced in relation to events and situations around them. This is why the concepts of timing and punctuality in Africa are often demeaned, with reference to the concept of ‘African Time’. This is born out of colonial mentality, judging from Ramose (1999), who regarded colonialism as ‘a veritable moment of epistemicide as far as indigenous conquered people are concerned’. Colonialism tries to cast aspersion on African concepts and possibly recreate an epistemic narration about time and punctuality in Africa. Onwubiko (1988) disagrees with the colonial explanation of African time. He averred that Africans have regard for time and conceive of time with a sense of punctuality. However, he argued that African use of time, which he refers to as socialised time, does not make the people sacrifice their human relations and social responsibilities on the altar of strict addiction to clock-time punctuality. It could be argued that in the Yoruba pre-colonial society, time is made for humans and not humans for time; hence, the Yoruba people do not become slaves to time. This view is also corroborated by Iroegbu (1994), who opined that Africans do not allow themselves to be bossed by time; rather, they use time to achieve their purpose.
The Yoruba reckoning of time, though not mathematical or precise, uses natural phenomena to explain timing. For instance, the blinking of the eyes, called ‘ìṣẹ́jú’, is used to explain seconds and minutes. While a minute is ìṣẹ́jú, a second is ìṣẹ́jú àáyá or ìṣẹ́jú akàn. The timing ranges from hours (wákàtí), to days (ọjọ́), weeks (ọ̀sẹ̀), months (osù), years (ọdún), etc. The days of the week are:
| Àìkú | Sunday |
| Ajé | Monday |
| Ìṣẹ́gun | Tuesday |
| Ọjọ́rú | Wednesday |
| Ọjọ́bọ̀ | Thursday |
| Ẹtì | Friday |
| Abámẹ́ta | Saturday |
It should be noted here that seven-day week counting in Yoruba societies is a recent phenomenon traceable to the advent of Christianity, which believes that God created the world in six days and rested on the seventh day. Traditionally, the reckoning of time in precolonial Yoruba society was based on a four-day week and market cycle, marking four important divinities in Yoruba cosmology: Ògún, Sàǹgó, Ọbàtálá, and Òrìṣà (Sogbesan 2022).
Furthermore, the twelve-month a year cycle used in contemporary Yoruba societies was an adoption of the Gregorian calendar, again traceable to Christianity, which continues to influence Yoruba indigenous systems. A month in Yoruba is osù, probably derived from òsùpá ‘moon’ The months of the year in Yoruba are:
| Oṣù Ṣẹ́rẹ́ | January |
| Oṣù Èrèlè | February |
| Oṣù Erénà | March |
| Oṣù Igbe | April |
| Oṣù Èbìbí | May |
| Oṣù Okúdù | June |
| Oṣù Agẹmọ | July |
| Oṣù Ògún | August |
| Oṣù Owérè | September |
| Oṣù Ọwàrà | October |
| Oṣù Bélú | November |
| Oṣù Ọ̀pẹ̀ | December |
Religious motivations, farming, and other activities carried out during the period are the reasons why the months of the year are named after some deities, crops, etc. (Fayemi 2016).
Perhaps the strongest allusion to the use of nature for timing functions among the Yoruba traditional society is in the quote below:
In terrestrial–ecological time, some ecological agents are used in measuring time. For instance, the twinkling of the eye of a crab is the smallest unit of time similitude to seconds (ìsẹ́jú kan). The twinkling of the human eye is used in estimating a minute, which Yoruba called ìsẹ́jú. While there is no ecological agent designating an hour, the crowing of the cock is a sign of a new day while the early sound of the dove is an indication of morning. The perching of the chicken is an indication of the end of the day. (Fayemi 2016: 31).
The cockcrow, time, and nature
Traditional Yoruba society relied on nature to solve its problems and find solutions to its various challenges. This is hinged on the intrinsic relationship and interlinking between human and nonhuman forms of life, which thrives in Yoruba rural societies, but which environmental exploitation and degradation continue to erode, especially in urban spaces. Unfortunately, humans continue to see nature as a habitat that must be exploited for human use alone. They see both plants and animals as sources of food and raw materials. However, human lives are linked with nonhuman forms, such as animals, plants, and trees. Both domestic and non-domestic animals play vital roles in the lives of humans. A continuous threat to nature and nonhuman forms of life is, therefore, a potential threat to human lives, existence, and survival.
One area in which nature is brought to bear in solving human challenges is time. The cock and its crowing performed timing functions which have both economic and social implications in traditional Yoruba society. The sounds of the cockcrow early in the morning wake people from sleep and alert them to the need to get ready for the day. Usually, the cock continues to crow and its sound reverberates across the entire landscape. This is because, as soon as the first cock crows, other cocks in the neighbourhood immediately take after the cock and they all begin to crow. The Yoruba even allude to this in the saying below:
Bí àkùkọ bá ti ń kọ láyé, ni àwọn ẹlẹgbẹ́ rẹ̀ ń gbà á lọ́run
(As the cock crows in the world, the sound reverberates in space by its co-crowers)
The sounds of the cockcrow signal the dawn of a new day and set the pace for the day’s activities. My observations in Kòòlà village and some parts of Ile-Ife, Osun State indicate that there are three time dimensions of cock crowing. The crowing of the cock usually takes off shortly after midnight. This happens between 1 a.m. and 2 a.m. As the first set of crowing sounds, the people do not wake up to the sounds of the cockcrow, but will normally continue their sleep. After the first set of cockcrows, the cock pauses for an interlude and then begins the second set of crowing. The second crowing takes off between 2.30 a.m. and 3.30 a.m. At this point, the people begin to wake up in their minds but continue their sleep. They await the sounds of the cockcrow for the third time, which usually takes off around 4.30 a.m. to 5.30 a.m. The third time dimension of the cockcrow is usually different from the previous ones as the cock begins to crow intermittently without stopping. The calculation of the time in between the third crowing shows that, as the cock begins to crow, it continues every twenty seconds intermittently until daybreak. By the time the sound of the third crowing goes off, the darkness of the night would usually have faded away as the cock, the hen, and their chicks can now walk freely in the light of the day. At this juncture, everyone knows that it is daybreak and sees the light of the day.
Socio-economic implications of the cockcrow
The cockcrow has great importance in Yoruba traditional society due to the socio-economic significance of time. The cockcrow wakes people up from their sleep and the sounds stimulate them to get prepared for the day’s economic and social activities. The timing functions of the cockcrow signify when the day’s business commences. As the sounds of the cockcrow continue until daybreak, they paint a mental picture in the mind of the diligent worker on the need to rise and commence preparations for profitable engagement during the day. Whoever continues to sleep despite the relentless crowing is tagged as an indolent individual not worthy of emulation and one who is headed for abject poverty. This is captured in the following Yoruba proverb:
Àkùkọ́ kọ, ọ̀lẹ pòsé
(As the cock crows, the lazy man hisses)
The proverb is pragmatically used within the Yoruba belief system to tag those who are lazy in starting the day’s activities. Rather than rising early to work as the cock crows, they hiss at the crowing of the cock and continue their sleep. Yoruba indigenous culture frowns at laziness and indolence and sees it as a precursor to poverty, crime, and other vices. Instead, it encourages hard work by discouraging any act or habits that may hinder rising early for the day’s activities, including the use of taboos. In Yoruba mythology, taboos serve as a means of regulating or moderating human activities either with fellow human or non-human beings within our environment. This is why, for instance, within Yoruba genres, it is taboo to engage in the playing of ayo, a local game, early in the morning or late at night. Yoruba people believe that playing the game late into the night promotes indolence, as the individuals involved are not likely to heed the sounds of the cockcrow and rise early enough the following morning.
Spiritual implications of the cockcrow: perspectives from Yoruba indigenous religion
The cock and its crowing have spiritual implications, which are clearly beyond their timing functions. Yoruba indigenous religion is anchored on Ifá, the god of wisdom, who is believed to be all-knowing. Expositions on Ifá as a divinity are encapsulated in the Ifá literary corpus, which is a set or compendium of knowledge and wisdom about life and the afterlife. Ọ̀rúnmìlà is seen as the messenger through which Ifá is accessed. Abimbola (2017: 150) opined that:
Ifá is known as the mouthpiece of all other divinities, and, through his vast wisdom and knowledge, solves virtually every problem on earth. There is no doubt as to how important Ifá has become in the lives of the Yoruba.
Yoruba cultural and spiritual beliefs hold that Ifá is the voice of Olodumare, the Creator and Origin of all things, otherwise called God, and that consultation of Ifá brings solutions to all issues of life. The Ifá literary corpus also contains detailed information about the past, present, and even the future of both metaphysical and physical beings. An exploration of the Ifá literary corpus showed that the functions and implications of the cockcrow go beyond the timing functions in Yoruba existentialism. Ifá is therefore a compendium of ontological wisdom that re-enacts foundational myths of the lived experiences within man’s cosmic environment (Kalu 2017). Ifá divination is seen as the book of enlightenment of the Yoruba, which forms the foundation of their belief systems (Olaleye 2020).
It is believed that the crowing of the cock, which signals the dawn of the new day, has implications for what the day holds, as it could be a foreteller of either good or bad fortune. This is aptly captured in one of the verses of the Ifá literary corpus Ogbè Ìrẹtẹ̀ below:
| Ogbè Ìrẹtẹ̀ |
| Àkùkọ tó kọ lánàá |
| Ìkọ ire ló kọ |
| A díá fún erin |
| Erin ń sunkún póun ò lọ́lá |
| Ẹbọ n wọ́n ní ó ṣe |
| Àkùkọ tó kọ lánàá |
| Ìkọ ire ló kọ |
| A díá fún ẹfọ̀n |
| Ẹfọ̀n ń sunkún òun ò níyì |
| Ẹbọ n wọ́n ní ó ṣe |
| Àkùkọ tó kọ lánàá |
| Ìkọ ire ló kọ |
| A díá fún esinsin |
| Ń lọ rèé bá wọn múlẹ̀ oko àìrọ́dún |
| Ẹbọ n wọ́n ní ó ṣe |
| Àwọn mẹ́tẹ̀ẹ̀ta bá rúbọ |
| Erín rúbọ |
| Ẹfọ̀n náà rúbọ |
| Eesin náà ò gbẹ́yìn |
| Àwọn métẹ̀ẹ̀ta bá là |
| Wọ́n bá bẹ̀rẹ̀ síí yin àwọn Babaláwo |
| Won ni akùkọ tó kọ lánàá |
| Ìkọ ire ló kọ... |
| Translation |
| The rooster that crowed yesterday |
| Its crowing is of good omen |
| Cast divination for the Elephant |
| He was crying of not having influence |
| He was asked to perform sacrifice |
| The rooster that crowed yesterday |
| Its crowing is of good omen |
| Cast divination for the buffalo |
| He was crying of not having honor |
| He was asked to perform sacrifice |
| The rooster that crowed yesterday |
| Its crowing is of good omen |
| Cast divination for the housefly |
| He was going to choose a virgin land in the annual farm |
| He was asked to perform sacrifice |
| The elephant performed the sacrifice |
| The buffalo also did his own |
| The housefly was not left out |
| The three of them became exceedingly rich |
| They started to praise their Babalawo |
| They said ‘The rooster that crowed yesterday |
| Its crowing is of good omen…’ |
(The English-translated version of the Ifá verse was sourced from Salami (2002: 41))
In line with the philosophical underpinnings of hermeneutics, the Ifá verse above contains deeper spiritual meaning than the literal interpretation of the narration, as is the usual way in most sacred texts. In the Ifá verse, the elephant, buffalo, and housefly had their complaints which made them cry, until the Babalawo approached them and gave them instructions to carry out certain sacrifices. Within the Yoruba divination system, sacrifice plays a very important role in redemption in the spiritual realm. Abimbola (2017: 151) highlights the essence of sacrifice as follows:
Sacrifice is a means of recreating or reorganising the universe in favour of human beings. The belief is that being verbal can never be enough in communicating with the world beyond (i.e. the supernatural). Sacrifices are made to ensure that our prayers have been heard and will be answered. Basically, sacrifice is the act of offering something to a god, especially by killing animals in religious ceremonies.
Based on the foregoing, after sacrifices have been made, the petitioner expects some form of redemption from the challenges being faced or at least that the request being made will be granted. In the narration presented in the Ifá verse above, the petitioners carried out the required sacrifices, and as the sacrifices were performed, they all had their needs met as the three of them became exceedingly rich. Now that their prayers had been answered by the gods, they then all concluded that ‘the rooster that crowed yesterday, its crowing was of good omen’. They all attributed their success stories to the cockcrow or rooster whose crowings earlier in the day brought them good fortunes rather than bad fortunes. If it had gone the other way, it implies that the cock’s crowings brought a bad omen for them. By implication, each day filled with goodness and happy events indicates that the cock that crowed at daybreak crowed well, while any day filled with bad experiences was said to have started with a bad crowing by the cock.
Yoruba people always desire good fortunes, called ire, and in Ifá, there is a hierarchical order of good fortunes, which everyone looks forward to each day, and expects that the crowing of the cock each day would bring them. The good fortunes in Ifá, as highlighted by Salami (2008: 328–30) are ire àìkú (a long life); ire ajé (wealth); ire ìṣẹ́gun (triumph over one’s enemies); ire aya (a wife); ire ọmọ (a child); ire ibùjókòó (establishment at one’s present location); and ire gbogbo (aggregation of all good fortunes). Salami (2008: 331) also highlights the bad fortunes and bad occurrences that people reject as part of their day’s lived experiences. These are: ikú (death); àrùn (sickness); ìjà (brawl, clash, or misunderstanding which may endanger life); òfò (loss); ẹjọ́ (issues relating to litigation); ọ̀ràn (issues relating to criminal insinuation); and ìṣẹ́ (an aggregation of all bad occurrences). When the desired good fortunes called ire come their way each day, Yoruba people believe that it was because the crowing of the cock early in the morning was good. If on the other hand, the day came with a lot of bad occurrences, they conclude that the crowing of the cock before sunrise was bad.
The attribution of each day’s fortunes to the cockcrow falls within the hermeneutic discourse of imagination as the fountain of symbolism and the power to metaphysicise (Kalu 2017). The extensive thoughts about the cockcrow go beyond the timing functions and by imagination, the human mind gives explanations to events and happenings in time and space which are super-human. Further exploration of the cockcrow within the imagination of the metaphysical affirms that the cock has some transcendental powers to see into the future and provide danger signs and warning signals. This was confirmed by some of the Ifá priests interviewed. One of the priests, Chief Abiodun, the Amúròó Ọbamirè of Ile-Ife revealed that within Yoruba society, it is believed that when the cock crows at odd hours when it is not expected to crow, members of the household must be wary of some looming dangers ahead. If a cock continues to crow at odd hours for two days consecutively, the cock must be killed; otherwise, it portends grave dangers for the household as something calamitous might soon happen.
Professor Wande Abimbola confirmed that the warning signals of the cockcrow are similar to those performed by a bird named kowéè:
Several birds make sounds both in the day and in the night that we do not take time to listen to their cries nowadays, not to even talk of the names of the birds. There is a bird that also foresees danger and warns. … It is the bird kowéè (named after its sound pattern) that cries. Whenever it cries kowéè, kowéè, and does not follow it up with the sound ẹ̀rọ̀ṣẹ̀ṣẹ̀ṣèṣẹ̀, it signals danger ahead.
The exposition above lends credence to the inherent beliefs of the Yoruba people in the use of nature to negotiate its challenges. The inherent belief in the sounds of birds, such as the cock and the kowéè which perform alarmist functions within Yoruba socio-cultural and spiritual cosmology, points to the fact that there is a continuous interplay and interfusion of imagination intermingling with nature and the ecosystem where man and animals exist.
The significance of the cockcrow beyond its timing functions is the major reason why the utilisation of the cockcrow for special duties has persisted. Despite the advent of modern science and technology, the cock and the cockcrow still play vital roles within Yoruba rural societies due to their eco-spiritual implications. Yoruba people believe in the interplay of fortune and luck, which they see as the exclusive preserve of Olódùmarè, the Supreme Being, who assigns either good or bad fortunes to each individual as each day dawns.
Ecological implications of the cockcrow in Yoruba traditional society
The sounds of the cock and other animals amplify the generic naturalness of nature phenomenally lacking in urban spaces. In rural spaces, animals freely roam and perform certain functions that human beings assign to them. The presence of animals that roam freely signifies the freshness of life and nature as they are more compatible with the natural environment. This fact is amplified in African proverbs which are common sayings, as part of the oral tradition, as below:
Where the rooster crows, there is a village.
A dead cock never crows.
A foreign cock can never crow in a foreign country.
After the evil cross, the crown has come.
In rural spaces, as can be inferred from the quote above, the crowing of a rooster or a cock signifies the presence of a flourishing village. It announces to a visitor that there is an inhabited village nearby. Given the functions and implications of the cock and the cockcrow, the cock is regarded not simply as food for human consumption. It is instead revered and not killed indiscriminately. Humans share the environment with both plants and animals, but, unfortunately, in the era of Western civilisation and post-colonial modernity, human beings, especially in developed countries and urban cities, have come to see other species simply as resources that must be exploited for their needs and even wants. With such a mindset, human activities have come to degrade the environment, leading to ecological challenges that now threaten human lives. Urban spaces seem to have lost the beauty of nature as the cramped spaces do not allow for freely roaming animals. In modern times, a few animals are caged: hence, their natural inhibitions are hampered. This is one challenge that urbanisation brings, which seems to cause certain alterations to natural tendencies.
Modern science and technology continue to shape the world. Among the Yoruba, the adoption of modern time calculation is rising. The functions of the cockcrow are increasingly taken over by clocks, wristwatches, alarms, etc., especially in urban societies. The use of mathematical clock time gives room for preciseness and accuracy, which seems to address the exactness of time which the cockcrow does not intrinsically express. However, the adoption of technology for timing functions has come at a price. Technology is known to be a major cause of environmental degradation, pollution, and the depletion of natural resources. Polaiah (2018: 53) succinctly expresses the negative impact of technology on the environment:
While technology can be a powerful force to improve our standard of living, it comes at a cost. New technological goods are often burdensome to the environment. This damage may come from acquiring the resources to produce new technology, or from toxic byproducts of technological production. It can consist of environmentally harmful waste produced by the technology itself, or the castoff remains of obsolete technology.
The emergence of factories and steel rolling companies for the production of clocks, wristwatches, alarm clocks, etc., is a case in point. These industries emit gases and other waste, which ultimately damage the ecosystem, affect the health of the land and marine animals, as well as polluting the environment of land, water, and air. Environmental degradation and resource depletion which come as a result of the adoption of technology have now brought to the fore the clamour for alternative technology that is friendly to the environment. The effects of technology in urban spaces stated here contrast greatly with the naturalness of nature in rural environments.
Conclusions
Yoruba rural spaces enjoyed the naturalness of nature in all its modesty. The timing functions of the cockcrow, as well as its eco-spiritual implications within Yoruba rural spaces, amplify the importance of human–nonhuman co-existence and interdependence. This is obvious within Yoruba philosophy and indigenous religion anchored on Ifá. Just as the cockcrow ushers the new day, it is believed that the crowings have super-human implications which could bring a good or a bad omen. The natural concepts employed by Yoruba societies in rural areas worked for them, coupled with the naturalness of nature which they enjoyed. This is against the backdrop of modernisation through science and technology and the attendant environmental degradation and pollution which continue to hamper atmospheric elements. Technology has exacerbated issues of environmental degradation in urban spaces, with the attendant consequences. of global warming and climate change. The gradual jettisoning of the timing functions of the cockcrow in Yoruba urban societies and adaptation of modern timing elements without placing value on the care of non-human forms of life, have contributed to the environmental crises hitting the African continent.
Humans need to adopt a positive ecological attitude and explore alternative natural means of survival where possible. This would go a long way to saving the environment from exploitation and degradation. Efforts must be made by individuals, and non-governmental and governmental organisations to promote healthy cohabitation of human and non-human forms which African eco-spiritualities reflect, as highlighted in this study. It is imperative to return to nature, where human beings see plants, animals, and other non-human forms as co-inhabitants of the planet Earth and not simply as resources to be exploited. Non-human forms of life have great roles to play in the physical, spiritual, and socio-economic well-being of human life, as shown in this study. The values placed on the spiritual and socio-economic functions of nonhuman forms of life in Yoruba rural dwellings ultimately lead to the conservation of the animals in particular and the ecosystem in general.
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DOI: 10.5871/jba/012.a18
Published on: 22 May 2024
Volume: 12
Issue: Issue 1 & 2
Article view count: 276
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© The author(s) 2024. This is an open access article licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 4.0 International LicenseCite this article
Olodude, I.I. (2024), ‘“Kukurúùkúù”: ecospiritual implications of the sounds of the cockcrow in Yoruba rural dwellings’, Journal of the British Academy, 12(1/2): a18 https://doi.org/10.5871/jba/012.a18Crossref
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Received
October 2022
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May 2023
Published
July 2023
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